On March 10, Syria’s interim government and the Kurdish-led SDF signed a deal to promote national unity, amidst ongoing violence and international scrutiny. The agreement aims to integrate military and civilian institutions while ensuring Kurdish rights. Economic incentives involving oil resources are also part of the deal, which could foster cooperation and stability, but success hinges on resolving procedural uncertainties and differing governance perspectives.
On March 10, the interim government of Syria and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) entered into a significant agreement aimed at promoting national unity within the Syrian Arab Republic. However, the implementation of this agreement is uncertain following a recent constitutional declaration. The initiative is pivotal as President Ahmad Al-Sharaa seeks legitimacy amid international criticism concerning violence against minority Alawites by affiliated militias.
The agreement aspires to consolidate military and civilian institutions under a unified Syrian state. Nanar Hawach, a senior Syria analyst at the International Crisis Group, pointed out that the timing of the deal is crucial, noting that Syria is currently facing immense security threats, including recent violent incidents and Israeli attacks. These challenges likely motivated Damascus to engage in negotiations with the SDF.
Kurdish affairs analyst Mutlu Civiroglu emphasized that involving SDF commander-in-chief Mazloum Abdi permits President Al-Sharaa to portray himself as a leader committed to inclusivity for all identities in Syria’s political landscape. Abdi has earned respect not solely among Kurds but across various communities, including Alawites, Druze, and Christians, which may facilitate broader acceptance of the agreement.
Kurdish organizations under the SDF and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) have denounced assaults on Alawites as part of a “systematic campaign against Syria’s minorities.” Abdi called upon Al-Sharaa to intervene and cease the ongoing violence. This call was notably highlighted following an ambush that resulted in multiple fatalities related to Assad loyalists.
The violence in Latakia province escalated dramatically, leading to numerous civilian casualties. According to the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, violence resulted in over a thousand deaths, compounding the crisis for the Alawite community. Rami Abdulrahman, the head of SOHR, noted that Alawite individuals who fled to safer regions view the presence of the SDF as a potential source of security.
The terms of the agreement recognize the Kurdish community as an integral part of the Syrian state, safeguarding their citizenship rights and constitutional protections. It mandates the cessation of hostilities in areas controlled by the SDF, which have been under continued assault from the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army since December.
For the Kurdish population in Rojava, this accord signifies recognition of their rights, which were largely denied under Assad’s regime. The agreement also incorporates economic incentives benefiting both parties, with oil being a central element. Joshua Landis, an expert from the University of Oklahoma, explained that full government control over oil fields, while sharing revenues with the Kurds, is expected to invigorate Syria’s oil industry and attract foreign investment.
The dire state of Syria’s oil industry, reduced from a production capacity of 400,000 barrels per day pre-war to approximately 80,000, necessitates significant repairs. Reinstating oil production is crucial for financing the country’s anticipated reconstruction costs, estimated at $400 billion. Landis and Hawach concurred that implementing the agreement could yield essential economic advantages and foster cooperation with Damascus in combating threats like Daesh.
Despite the agreement being a constructive step toward national reconciliation after years of conflict, its success relies on clarifying unresolved aspects pertaining to reintegration. Although it provides northern Syria with autonomy, Landis noted that the framework remains underdeveloped, necessitating future negotiations to iron out contentious details.
A critical component of the agreement involves military organization, where Kurdish forces seek to maintain self-defense capabilities. While the SDF will integrate into the Syrian Defense Ministry, specifics regarding their operational autonomy remain undefined. Landis remarked that the Kurds have aspirations similar to those of Iraqi Kurdish forces, which possess significant local governance competencies.
Furthermore, Al-Sharaa’s administration appears reticent to confer substantial autonomy to minority groups, striving for a centralized state as reflected in a newly signed temporary constitution. Following this, the SDF’s political body, the Syrian Democratic Council, voiced strong objections to the constitutional declaration, branding it a reversion to authoritarianism.
The council has called for a comprehensive reformulation of the constitutional framework to ensure equitable power distribution, safeguard political freedoms, and acknowledge the diverse rights of all Syrian demographics.
The landmark deal between the Syrian interim government and the SDF reflects a pivotal attempt at national reconciliation in a war-torn region. While the agreement aims to unify military and civilian entities and acknowledges Kurdish rights, its ultimate success depends on the careful navigation of implementation challenges. Furthermore, the economic incentives inherent in the collaboration, particularly concerning Syria’s oil resources, could further consolidate unity if managed effectively. However, ongoing tensions surrounding governance and autonomy suggest that without addressing fundamental disagreements, true reconciliation will remain elusive in Syria.
Original Source: www.arabnews.com
